By Ben Thatcher
Migration has long been a defining feature of Filipino life. More than 2.2 million Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) live and work across the globe (Asis, 2017), forming part of a vast diaspora that contributes significantly to the country’s economy and identity. Yet behind these familiar narratives of sacrifice and economic opportunity lies a more complex story—one shaped by deeply rooted cultural values, and one that often overlooks the experiences of persons with disabilities.
The Filipino Self: Rooted in Relationships
At the heart of Filipino society is a deep commitment to family and community. Scholars describe the Filipino identity as an “interdependent self,” where major life decisions—such as migrating abroad—are rarely shaped by individualistic desires, but by shared family goals, especially the pursuit of collective well-being. Some perspectives suggest that the family is a means to achieve well-being, while others, like Fernandez and Samaco-Zamora (2016), emphasize that kaginhawaan—a state of well-being—is not merely the outcome of family support, but something that is inherently rooted in family unity, harmonious relationships, and the ability to meet one another’s needs. In this cultural context, many Filipinos willingly set aside personal aspirations in favour of what they believe is best for the family as a whole.
Grimm et al. (1999: 467) explains that this collectivist orientation is because of Filipino’s high tendency to place great importance on:
“Social acceptance, group identity, smooth interpersonal relations, close and extended family ties, deference for authority, close emotional ties, and reciprocal obligations”.
These tendencies tend to result in family goals being placed at the heart of an individual’s decision-making (Ofreneo & Canoy, 2017; Scroope, 2017). This cultural emphasis is echoed in the Philippine Constitution, which recognizes the family as the “foundation of the nation” (Art. XV, Sec. 1, GovPH, 1987). This is not just symbolic, it has real consequences for how people live, work and migrate. For many, pursuing overseas work is not just an economic decision but a moral and emotional responsibility.
Anchored to these notions are the Filipino terms, loób (relational will) and kapwa (shared self). Loób outlines that the ‘relational will’ can only be known by directing one’s will towards kapwa, while kapwa embodies the interconnectedness of self and others which is practiced through relationships (Reyes, 2015).
These concepts, grounded in indigenous philosophy (Gauthier-Mamaril, 2022), present a worldview where autonomy becomes less important than relational harmony and reciprocity (Reyes, 2015; Gauthier-Mamaril, 2022). These values form a moral system where giving, receiving and giving back—especially within families—are not just customs, but virtues. For example, (Covar, 1995; Reyes, 2015):
- Kagandahang-loób refers to “the kindness of the heart”, the unconditional goodness or support.
- Utang-na-loób, a natural response to kagandahang-loób, means “debt of goodwill”/ “deep sense of gratitude”, that can never be truly repaid/ a moral obligation to repay kindness, often “with interest”.
- Lakas-ng-loób / Bahala na expresses courage in the face of uncertainty, often for the sake of loved ones (can be framed in a positive or negative way).
Concept of Filipino Humanity [Konsepto Ng Pakataong Pilipino, by Prospero Cova
These values or virtues interlink with elements of the contemporary Filipino emigration culture, as strong family norms can lead individuals feeling obliged to become OFWs since it offers a tangible route for a family to join the ‘middle class’ (Albert & Gaspar, 2015) and is used as a tool to stimulate family well-being (OECD & SMC). Reyes (2015) states that kagandahang-loób can manifest through OFWs, usually in a parent but also in the child, who can be required to get a job abroad to support the family back at home.
It can be postulated that when members of the family with a disability face barriers to become an OFW, then Utang-na-Loób could lead to psychological strain as they are unable to pay their ‘debt-of-will’ in a similar way to family members without a disability, potentially, preventing persons with disabilities from the ability to self-sacrifice for the kinship group and achieving Lakas-ng-Loób/ Bahala na-Lakas-ng-loób, which can be considered a certain type of social exclusion (Thatcher, 2023).
When Migration Becomes a Duty
Labor migration has become almost a rite of passage in many Filipino families. Studies describe it as a “family-based enterprise”, where migration decisions are made collectively, often orchestrated by family members left behind.
For example, one seafarer shared that his entire migration journey was planned by his partner. His goal wasn’t just to earn, but to fund education and secure housing for his family (Lamvik, 2012). Another woman who migrated to Iceland described marrying a stranger and enduring abuse, yet felt she had to continue, saying:
“You have to understand, in the Philippines, the family is everything” (Skaptadóttir, 2019: 216).
These narratives reflect a larger national ethos. OFWs are celebrated as “mga bagong bayani”—modern-day heroes. With award ceremonies dedicated to honouring their sacrifice (Bagong Bayani Foundation, 2020; Francisco, 2009). For many Filipinos with disabilities, the inability to fulfil the expected role of the bagong bayani could again result in an internalized sense of failure, despite the structural inequities that limit their choices.
Migration as a Means of Escaping Poverty
Economically, migration is one of the most effective tools for poverty alleviation in the Philippines. Remittances have lifted more than 850,000 families out of poverty (Hasnan, 2019) and contribute over nine percent to the national Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (World Bank, 2020). According to a Social Weather Stations survey, seven percent of Filipino households have a family member working abroad as an OFW, and a striking 75 percent regularly receive financial support from relatives overseas (HIR, 2023).
In fact, many young Filipinos still view working abroad as a primary path to success (Kang & Latoja, 2022). A recent survey showed over half of Filipino youth want to migrate—not only for higher wages but also to gain skills, travel, and support their families (Hasnan, 2019).
Yet despite migration’s central role in national development, no official data exists on migrants with disabilities. This silence reflects a broader lack of visibility and policy inclusion for persons with disabilities in the migration discourse.
Reframing Inclusion in Migration Policy
If we’re serious about inclusive migration, we need to rethink not just policies but the cultural narratives that frame who gets to be a “hero”. In the Philippine context, where familial obligation and social harmony are central, failing to migrate—or being unable to—is more than a missed opportunity; it can be a source of shame, guilt, and social exclusion for persons with disabilities.
Incorporating disability into migration discourse means addressing not just the economic barriers, but also the socio-cultural ones. It means creating systems where all Filipinos—regardless of ability—can pursue meaningful work, contribute to their families, and live with dignity, whether at home or abroad.
Migration for Filipinos is more than a labor issue—it’s a deeply personal, moral, and cultural journey. As we build a more disability-responsive migration system, we must consider how cultural norms, social expectations, and philosophical beliefs shape the experiences of persons with disabilities.
Inclusion cannot just be policy-deep—it must be soul-deep.
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Disability Migration Network (DMN) 